By Wong Chin Huat
Let us be very clear that straight fight alone will not
guarantee the Opposition – Pakatan Harapan or PAS – a victory over Umno/BN in
Sungai Besar or Kuala Kangsar.
Yes, Umno won both seats with wafer-thin margins, 399 in
Sungai Besar and 1,082 in Kuala Kangsar. Umno’s valid vote shares were only
50.54 per cent in Sungai Besar and 51.14 per cent in Kuala Kangsar.
Since the Pakatan Rakyat won 49.46 per cent and 47.25 per
cent of valid votes in Sungai Besar and Kuala Kangsar, why can’t the opposition
candidates just ride on these as their solid bases, as long as there is no
multi-corner fight?
Simple – Pakatan Rakyat is gone.
If the single opposition candidate is from Amanah or PKR, he
or she will simply be rejected by some PAS hardcore supporters.
On the other hand, if the opposition candidates come from
PAS, they are likely to be rejected by most of the non-Malay voters – 33 per
cent in Sungai Besar and 32 per cent in Kuala Kangsar – and some Amanah
hardcore supporters.
Won’t Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak matter more than
the PAS-Amanah rivalry? The answer is unfortunately no.
PAS has made it clear in Kelantan that it would rather lose
the state government than to negotiate constituency allocation with Amanah.
The calculation is crystal clear – PAS can afford to lose
badly in both federal and state elections but Amanah could be written off easily
if it doesn't win a decent number of seats, or so would PAS hope.
And given PAS’ explicit support for Najib and and Datuk Seri
Abdul Hadi Awang’s statement that non-Muslims must be made politically
subservient, even if DAP were to campaign for PAS, it’s unlikely the non-Malay
voters can turn round and support Umno.
One thing almost certain is the by-elections – as in the
Sarawak State Election – are likely to have lower turnout than in 2013: 88 per cent
for Sungai Besar and 84 per cent for Kuala Kangsar.
With all the post-2013 realignments, especially the break-up
of Pakatan Rakyat, out-of-town voters are just unlikely to rush back en mass to
vote.
Hence, regardless if the by-elections are straight fights or
three-corners, Umno will start with an upper hand in both by-elections despite
Najib’s deepening 1MDB scandal.
To have the opposition winning these two seats to weaken
Najib, the Umno/BN voter base must be substantially split, and not just
suffering some attrition or abstention.
The ultimate determinant is then Mahathir’s resolve.
Will he go all out against Umno? Will he get Umno rebels
especially his son Datuk Seri Mukhriz Mahathir and former deputy prime minister
Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin to openly campaign against Umno? That will force Najib
to sack them and formally split Umno.
Umno Secretary-General Tengku Adnan Mansor said if it was up
to him, Muhkriz and Muhyiddin would be sacked.
Exactly that is the point. Najib is not Adnan. Najib has got
no gut to sack Mukhriz and Muhyiddin. He wants to play safe by containing the rebellion
to one prominent ex-member – Mahathir – and hopes that Mahathir’s campaign will
lose momentum over time.
Similarly, Umno rebels especially Mukhriz too want to play
safe. If Mahathir’s effort can force Umno warlords to abandon Najib while
Mukhriz is still an Umno member, Mukhriz will be well-placed to be the de facto
No. 3 in the post-Najib peace plan.
Not a parliamentarian now, he can never be the deputy president.
But he can ask the probable next prime minister – Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi or Datuk
Seri Hishamuddin Hussein – to appoint him as a senator and then hold a key
ministry.
This is why Mukhriz will likely not campaign against Umno in
these two by-elections so that Najib won’t be forced to sack him.
And if Mukhriz and co are so calculative,why would Umno ranks-and-files in Sungai Besar and
Kuala Kangsar openly support the Opposition and risk their political careers in
Umno and all the patronage they are enjoying now?
Instead of leading an all-out war against Umno like how
Tengku Razaleigh and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim did it against Mahathir, Mahathir
is hoping to overthrow a sitting prime minister by instigating sabotage and
quiet rebellion amongst Umno voters.
Mahathir is no longer the fighter and gambler he was in the
past. He burns his own bridge but not that of his son.
Can a calculative nonagenarian excite the Malaysian public?
Yes, he seems to have done well so far in a Malaysia running short of heroes.
But can he excite enough Umno voters to do so? If Mahathir
can’t risk his son’s political career, why should Umno grassroots risk their
sons’ contracts or their daughters’ scholarships?
If Mahathir really wants to see Najib ousted by humiliating
defeats in the by-election, he must get Mukhriz to campaign against Umno. And If Mukhriz is prepared to be sacked, he
might as well run as a candidate in one of the by-elections, say, Kuala
Kangsar.
Mukhriz doing a Datuk Seri Shahrir Samad (as in the 1988
Johor Bahru by-election) would electrify the entire nation. And Umno will
likely lose another by-election even if PAS battles out Amanah or PKR.
And Mukhriz will never be seen as a daddy’s boy anymore. Any
ministerial appointment for him in the post-Najib alignment will be legitimately
in his own right.
In leading a rebellion, Mahathir should learn from Anwar.
Anwar would tell protesters, “don’t talk about struggle if
you are afraid of risk”. He would not be moved to tears by petitions and say,
“there can’t be enough jail rooms to house one million petitioners”.
Come on, Mahathir, show your resolve and put your son on the
front line.
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